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Chaney, E. Currie-Alder, B. Diamond, L. El Affendi, A. El Anshasy, A. Mohaddes and J. Elbadawi, I. Elbadawi I. El Mikawy, N. Mohieddin and S. Faria H. Haber, S. Hakimian, H.

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Democracy Without Democrats? By contrast, it appears to be generally more pronounced for the other developing regions of the world.

The truth about Twitter, Facebook and the uprisings in the Arab world

The modernisation hypothesis has its supporters as well as its critics who have advanced alternative theories of transition. Among its defenders, see, for example, Barro, ; Faria et al. This, however does not necessarily imply that there are no specific instances in which resource rents might have helped to sustain a dictatorship. Overall, the region has moderately high levels of inequality: some countries, such as Egypt, are on the lower end of the scale of inequality, with an income distribution closer to the Asian pattern; others, such as Iran, have fairly high inequality, closer to African levels.

A key finding is that despite huge structural changes in these economies, income distribution has not changed by much. Over the last few years, there have been indications of a worsening tendency, but the trend is not noticeable when compared to worsening income distribution in fast-growing Asian countries. Do they constitute a response to past Western colonialism and continued interventions in the affairs of the region?

Urban Uprisings - Challenging Neoliberal Urbanism in Europe | Margit Mayer | Palgrave Macmillan

Or can, perhaps, a combination of all these and other factors explain their rise to power; a rise that has occurred to such an extentthat the US and other Western countries, whatever their possible initial roles in fostering these groups , have come to consider them a threat to their own national interests. Their failure to maintain consensus on a common platform of a viable social contract has contributed to the emergence of an authoritarian counter revolution. El Affendi, Among those democratisations that were reversed, several later underwent second, third, or even fourth episodes of democratisation.

Four of the six cases of fourth-time democratisation survived through to the end of These trends are closely aligned with the improving success rate of all democratisations over time. They point out that political institutions play the crucial role in democratic consolidation, especially institutions that place effective constraints on executive power. In a recent study by Mukand and Rodrik on the political economy of the liberal democracy, the authors point out it is characterised by three kinds of rights: property elite interest , political majority interest and civil minority interest.

They explain why in the West liberal democracies came to be established while in the developing world most democracies that have emerged are electoral democracies that provide property and political but not civil rights. Peer-reviewed journal that promotes cutting-edge research and policy debates on global development. Published by the Graduate Institute Geneva, it links up with international policy negotiations involving Geneva-based organisations.

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Rebellions and uprisings

After Sudan declared independence from Anglo-Egyptian rule, in , the British policy of indirect control through a select group of religious and tribal leaders left much of the land and wealth in the hands of a few families. The main political parties were built around these families, but the inability to settle on a single candidate among them led to the formation of a five-member Sovereignty Council.

This council was overthrown after two years in power by the military government, which, in turn, was deposed by the general uprising in In , a popular uprising backed by the military would once again raise the glimmer of democracy, only to be usurped by the coup that brought Omar al-Bashir to power. It also created a new federalist system, embedding supporters in the local levels of government throughout the country.

Unions, professional associations, and political parties were banned, which led to an era of growing inequality. It was a way of doing this kind of politics. It has also been a government of war, one that fixated on the long conflict with rebels in the south and in Darfur, along with the general instability in the region, to justify its leadership. Even with stability largely established in the west, and integration of refugees from war-torn regions throughout the country, the regime continues to exploit old tensions.

In the years of the oil boom, between the late nineties and the two-thousands, Gizouli says, there was an unspoken contract between the government and the upper classes: the government would be left alone in exchange for maintaining high subsidies for oil and bread and protection from violence. Almost half of the population lives below the poverty line, according to the most recent estimates, and inflation is up thirty per cent from last year.